Combatting the death penalty & State-sanctioned killing though evidence-based research, teaching & advocacy. A collaboration b/w @MonashLawSchool @cpjp_org_au.

Melbourne, Australia
Joined September 2020
Eleos Justice retweeted
On Wednesday 28 October from 3pm (New York time), I will present my report on the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran to the UN General Assembly, sharing the floor with the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Iran. My report examines the harm suffered by those killed and executed; those detained and disappeared; human rights defenders, documenters and mobilisers; and the harm to people’s livelihoods and the environment. In each of these areas, the impact of the hostilities with the United States and Israel has compounded the repression by the Iranian authorities. In each area, harms from outside and inside the country converge. War did not reduce repression but intensified it, and the heaviest burden fell on those already marginalised. My recommendations are therefore addressed to all parties: Iran, the United States and Israel, and all States. My report: ohchr.org/en/documents/count… Persian translation of my report: ohchr.org/sites/default/file… Watch the interactive dialogue: webtv.un.org/en/asset/k1n/k1… For the three recent UN reports on Iran, by the Secretary-General, the Fact-Finding Mission and my mandate, see my earlier post:  xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21136…
سه گزارش سازمان ملل متحد درباره وضعیت حقوق بشر در جمهوری اسلامی ایران در طی هفته‌های اخیر منتشر شده‌اند. یافته‌های گزارش کمیته مستقل بین‌المللی حقیقت‌یاب نشان می‌دهد که سرکوب اعتراضات دی ۱۴۰۴ از سوی مقام‌های جمهوری اسلامی، مصداق جنایت علیه بشریت از جمله قتل، حبس، شکنجه و سایر اعمال غیرانسانی است. این گزارش هم‌چنین اعلام می‌کند که دلایل معقولی برای این باور وجود دارد که ایالات متحده آمریکا، با حمله بدون تمایز (میان نظامیان و غیرنظامیان) به دبستان در میناب و استفاده از مهمات خوشه‌ای در محدوده یک مرکز ورزشی و خانه‌های مسکونی در لامرد مرتکب جنایت جنگی شده است.  ohchr.org/sites/default/file… گزارش دبیرکل سازمان ملل بازه زمانی مرداد ۱۴۰۴ - اردیبهشت ۱۴۰۵ را پوشش می‌دهد. این گزارش نشان می‌دهد که مقام‌های جمهوری اسلامی، چطور با توسل به امنیت ملی و علیرغم وجود ملاحظات جدی در مورد دادرسی عادلانه، اعدام‌ها را گسترش دادند، بازداشت‌های گسترده انجام دادند و اینترنت را قطع کردند. تحریم‌ها، مخاصمات و قطع اینترنت تنگنای اجتماعی اقتصادی موجود از پیش را عمیق‌تر کرد و حقوق اجتماعی اقتصادی را تحت‌تأثیر قرار داد. توصیه‌های این گزارش شامل تغییرات ساختاری است: اصلاحات در سطوح قانون‌گذاری و قانون اساسی و تعلیق مجازات اعدام. این گزارش‌ از دولت‌های عضو درخواست می‌کند که به مخاصمات پایان دهند، و حقوق بشر را در مراودات دیپلماتیک و اقتصادی با ایران بگنجانند.   ohchr.org/en/documents/count…   گزارش من حول آسیب‌ها تنظیم شده است: کشته‌شده‌ها و اعدام‌شده‌ها، بازداشت‌شده‌ها و ناپدیدشدگان، مدافعان، مستندکنندگان و سازمان‌دهندگان، معیشت مردم، و محیط زیست. در هرکدام از این‌ موارد، منبع آسیب از خارج و داخل به هم می‌رسند. هشدارهای مربوط به حملات قریب‌الوقوع در شبکه‌های اجتماعی منتشر می‌شدند؛ شبکه‌هایی که به‌دلیل قطعی اینترنت اعمال‌شده از سوی مقام‌ها جمهوری اسلامی، دیگر در دسترس نبودند. همچنین گزارش‌هایی وجود دارد مبنی بر اینکه هنگام حملات، زندانیان در سلول‌های خود محبوس نگه داشته شدند. جنگ نه‌تنها از شدت سرکوب نکاست، بلکه آن را تشدید کرد: معترضان به‌عنوان عوامل کشورهای متخاصم معرفی شدند و اعدام‌ها در سراسر این دوره ادامه یافت. سنگین‌ترین بار این وضعیت بر دوش کسانی افتاد که پیش از این نیز در حاشیه جامعه قرار داشتند. از همین رو، توصیه‌های من همه طرف‌ها را مخاطب قرار می‌دهد: ایران، ایالات متحده و اسرائیل، و همچنین تمامی دولت‌ها. ohchr.org/en/documents/count… چیزی که در بین این گزارش‌ها مشترک است، مصونیت از مجازات است. در جریان هیچ‌گونه  تحقیق و تفحصی از سوی مقام‌های ایرانی درباره کشتارهایی که نیروهای آنان مرتکب شده‌اند، نیستم؛ ایالات متحده و اسرائیل نیز هیچ یافته‌ای درباره حملات خود منتشر نکرده‌اند. وقتی مسئولان حاضر نیستند درباره اقدامات خود تحقیق کنند، مستندسازی مستقل تنها چیزی است که میان قربانیان و محو شدن حقیقت و خاطره آنان از تاریخ قرار می‌گیرد. این گزارش‌ها که بر پایه تلاش‌های بازماندگان، خانواده‌ها و جامعه مدنی تهیه شده‌اند، همان سابقه مستند و ماندگاری هستند که پاسخ‌گویی در آینده به آن وابسته خواهد بود. تا آن زمان، این گزارش‌ها همگی بر ضرورت اقداماتی که در حال حاضر باید انجام شوند تأکید دارند: پایان دادن به مخاصمات از طریق دیپلماسی، با قرار دادن حقوق بشر در کانون هرگونه توافق؛ توقف اعدام‌ها؛ آزادی افرادی که به‌دلیل اعمال حقوق خود بازداشت شده‌اند؛ تحقیق مستقل درباره تک‌تک مرگ‌ها؛ و فراهم کردن دسترسی سازوکارهای سازمان ملل متحد.
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Eleos Justice retweeted
This follows her absolute pardon after being incarcerated for almost 15 years in Indonesia for drug trafficking, an offence she maintains she did not knowingly commit. They talked about her journey to freedom and plans for the future. More to share of ADPAN’s podcast soon!
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Eleos Justice retweeted
ADPAN, CADP, and Migrante commemorate World Day Against the Death Penally with MJV and her Family. #MaryJaneVeloso #WDADP
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The brief argues that death penalty reform in Pakistan need not be framed as a choice between Islam and human rights. It can instead be grounded in principles recognised by both: protection of life, justice, restraint, mercy and the prevention of irreversible injustice. The launch brought together senior delegation from @EUPakistan , academics, policymakers, and the media. #WorldDayAgainstDeathPenalty #PolicyBrief #JusticeProjectPakistan #EU
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The policy brief was then launched through a moderated discussion between Sarah Belal and Prof. Dr. Sami Ur Rehman, author of the brief and Dean of Riffat Mushtaq School of Law at IVY Academic Network Islamabad. They discussed the brief’s key findings and recommendations, including how Islamic principles of sanctity of life, mercy, due process, evidentiary certainty and protection against wrongful execution can support a more restrictive death penalty framework.
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In commemoration of World Day Against the Death Penalty, Justice Project Pakistan launched the Policy Brief "Capital Punishment in Islam". The brief is commissioned by JPP, with the support of the @EUPakistan , and led by Professor Dr. Sami ur Rehman. The launch opened with a welcome note by @SarahBelal_ - Executive Director of JPP, followed by opening remarks from H.E. Mr Raimundas Karoblis, the Ambassador of @EUPakistan . #WorldDayAgainstDeathPenalty #JusticeProjectPakistan #CapitalPunishment #PolicyBrief
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#Iran: UN experts urge immediate halt to executions. Iran has seen too much death: lives lost to war and lives taken by their own State. "What happened cannot be undone, but what happens to those facing execution lies within the authorities' control." ohchr.org/en/press-releases/…
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Eleos Justice retweeted
Today is the World Day Against the Death Penalty. Over the past 11 days, I have posted daily on death penalty cases my mandate has raised with the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Most executions in Iran are for qisas or drug offences, and these are the cases that rarely reach my mandate. Qisas accounts for roughly half of all executions. Under it, whether a person lives or dies rests largely with the victim’s family and on whether the accused can pay diya (Day 5). Drug offences account for most of the rest. Those executed are mostly couriers driven by poverty, convicted of offences that do not meet the ‘most serious crimes’ threshold under international human rights law (Day 6). For ethnic and religious minorities, the discrimination they face in daily life, from restrictions on language to economic exclusion, carries through into the criminal justice process. It shapes arrest, trial and sentencing, including in capital cases (Day 3). Gender intersects with ethnicity, religion, political activity and other aspects of identity to produce distinct forms of discrimination and abuse, including gendered violence in detention (Day 2). The death penalty is also used against those who challenge the State and its policies. People who took part in protests, and even those who helped the injured, have been sentenced to death, often after being labelled spies or terrorists (Day 10). Under the 2025 Espionage Law, even a photograph of a bombed building can become part of a capital case (Day 4). Children are not spared either. People continue to face execution for acts allegedly committed when they were under 18 (Day 1). In some of these cases, death sentences are handed down after trials lasting only hours, often on the basis of confessions broadcast before trial, while lawyers are obstructed or punished (Day 8). Some executions are carried out in public, turning death into a spectacle and forcing families and onlookers to watch (Day 7). Even after an execution, families may be denied their loved one's body, restricted in how they mourn, and intimidated into silence (Day 9). Calls for abolition are coming from within Iranian society. Families keep vigil, and people stayed in Alikhani Square through the night to try to stop a public execution. Opposition to the death penalty also comes from inside Iran’s prisons. For more than two years and 8 months, prisoners have gone on hunger strike every Tuesday under the ‘No to Execution Tuesdays’ campaign, which now spans in at least 66 prisons. Earlier this year, a 16-day strike at Ghezel Hesar Prison won a suspension of drug-related executions there, if only temporarily. I am grateful to the families who entrusted my mandate with their loved ones' stories, often at great personal risk, and to the civil society organisations and journalists who bring these cases to light despite facing threats themselves. The Iranian authorities have responded to many of my communications. I welcome continued dialogue, including on the ongoing revision of the Anti-Narcotics Law, which offers a concrete opportunity to significantly restrict the death penalty for drug offences, and other changes that can bring its practice closer to international human rights standards. In 2026, at least 600 people, and possibly as many as 1,000, are reported to have been executed. The need for a moratorium pending abolition has never been greater. I urge the authorities to establish an official moratorium on all executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty. - Day 0 Countdown to the World Day Against the Death Penalty: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21046… - Day 1 Children: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21049… - Day 2 Women: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21053… - Day 3 Minorities: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21056… - Day 4 Security-related charges: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21059… - Day 5 Qisas: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21063… - Day 6: Drugs: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21066… - Day 7 Public executions: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21070… - Day 8 Due process: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21073… - Day 9 Families: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21077… - Day 10 Protests: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21080… - Day 11 Press release with other UN experts: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21085…
Ahead of the World Day Against the Death Penalty, my mandate issued a press release on the use of the death penalty in Iran, joined by other UN experts. ohchr.org/en/press-releases/… Iran: UN experts urge immediate halt to executions as country drives global surge GENEVA (9 October 2026) – UN experts* today called on Iranian authorities to immediately halt all executions, warning that Iran is among a shrinking group of States that still execute, and by far the most prolific per head of population. “Iran has seen too much death: lives lost to war and lives taken by their own State,” the experts said. In January 2026, security forces killed thousands of protesters – conduct the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission found amounted to crimes against humanity. “What happened cannot be undone, but what happens to those now facing execution lies entirely within the authorities’ control.” No one arrested over the protests should be executed, regardless of the accusations brought against them. “The cases brought to our attention are so riddled with procedural unfairness and underlying gross human rights violations, including torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, coerced confessions and denial of access to lawyers of their choosing, especially at the investigation stage, that this alone should rule out execution,” the experts said. “Iran’s death penalty is used to silence dissent, with broadly defined national security offences recasting peaceful activity as a threat. That must change,” they said. “Iran’s own history shows that grievances left unaddressed resurface, however brutally they are repressed. Executions do not end dissent, but breed the next wave of it.” While attention focuses on security cases, most executions in Iran are for homicide, under qisas (retribution-in-kind), and for drug-related offences. Such executions are an easy substitute for the harder work of confronting the main drivers of homicides and the drug trade, including poverty, discrimination and gender-based violence. Those executed for drug offences appear to be overwhelmingly low-level couriers driven by hardship, many from marginalised ethnic minorities, and not those at the top of the trade. Qisas removes responsibility from judges, and places life and death in the hands of victims’ families, where the ability to pay diya (blood money) can decide who lives. This is also deeply gendered: women unable to afford diya are executed for killing abusive husbands, often after child marriage and years of violence in a country where women have neither legal protection from domestic violence, nor the means to escape it. The experts noted that consensual same-sex acts and religious offences, such as apostasy, remain punishable by death. “Regardless of the number of executions carried out for these offences, as long as these laws exist, people cannot hold, change or leave a religion or belief, or live openly according to their sexual orientation. They cannot express who they are without fear.” The experts urged authorities to establish an immediate moratorium on executions as a first step towards abolition, to commute all death sentences and to review every case against fair trial standards. “A moratorium would send a powerful message to the people of Iran: that the State’s use of lethal force can end, and that the country can move away from a system that has produced far too many arbitrary executions,” the experts said. *The experts: Mai Sato, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran Graeme Reid, the Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity Morris Tidball-Binz, the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions Nazila Ghanea, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief Margaret Satterthwaite , the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Leopoldo Maldonado Gutiérrez, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression Gina Romero, the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association Andrea Bolaños Vargas, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders Richard Bennett, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan Matthew Gillett (Chair-Rapporteur), Ms. Ganna Yudkivska (Vice-Chair for Communications), Mr. Ethan Hee-Seok Shin (Vice-Chair for Follow-Up), Ms. Miriam Estrada Castillo and Mr. Mumba Malila, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention Claudia Flores (Chair), Ivana Krstić (Vice-Chair), Dorothy Estrada-Tanck, Haina Lu, and Laura Nyirinkindi, the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls Grażyna Baranowska (Chair-Rapporteur), Ana Lorena Delgadillo Pérez (Vice-Chair), Aua Baldé, Gabriella Citroni and Mohamed Al Obaidi, the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances Pau Pérez-Sales, the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
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Eleos Justice retweeted
In Iran, the toll of the death penalty falls not only on those executed but also on their families, both before and after the execution. This week marked yet more executions of protesters who participated in the December 2025–January 2026 protests. One of the men executed was Alireza Sepahi. He had been due to be publicly executed alongside two other protesters in Isfahan’s Alikhani Square on 28 July, but he suffered a heart attack shortly beforehand and was taken to hospital. Since then, he and his family had lived under the constant threat of execution, without a clear understanding of when it might happen. This Monday, that wait ended (see my post on public executions: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21070…). The worst had happened, yet for his family the horror continued. His body was reportedly not returned to his family for burial in Isfahan. Instead, it was transferred to Kashan, 200 km away from his home. Sadly, this is not an isolated example. Sepahi’s case shows that families are at the forefront of the suffering not only while their loved ones are in detention, but also after their execution. Losing a loved one is painful, but being unable to speak about their story, honour their life, or come together to mourn inflicts further needless suffering. Withholding a body or forcing a family to bury elsewhere is a tactic to control the narrative, silence the living and supress remembrance. Similar tactics were used following the December-January protests. Families of those executed were often pressured to accept the state’s portrayal of their loved ones as terrorists or murderers rather than protesters. Families of those killed in the protests were similarly pushed to claim their relatives were Basij members. When families speak up, they often face repression, and in some cases detention and prosecution. Others are left to carry their pain in silence. In my communications to the Government, I have stressed that intentionally inflicting such suffering on family members through uncertainty, denial of information, refusal to return bodies, restrictions on mourning, or denial of a final visit, may amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment of the relatives (see below communications on this matter). Since the December-January protests, many families have been reluctant to give their consent for my mandate to raise the cases of their loved ones with the authorities, even when those loved ones were already on death row. They feared that this could have adverse consequences for their loved ones or lead to the further arrest and persecution of other members of the family. Such intimidation undermines not only the right to freedom of opinion and expression, but also the right to truth and, ultimately, the pursuit for justice and accountability. Losing a loved one is difficult. Families should not be made to suffer further through secrecy, uncertainty, restrictions on mourning, or the denial of a final goodbye. An execution should not be followed by further punishment of the family. The authorities should return the bodies to their families, allow them to bury their loved ones with dignity, and respect their right to tell their story, mourn and remember. My mandate’s communication regarding Hamid Hosseinnezhad Heidaranlou: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… My mandate’s communication regarding Behrouz Alkhani: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… My mandate’s communication regarding Habibollah Golparipour: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
“On the night of 27 July, people kept vigil in Alikhani Square until dawn. There is something profoundly human about it: standing in the darkness so that another person does not have to face death alone.” This comes from the testimonies of people who rushed to Alikhani Square that night. The square had been prepared for the public execution of three protesters from the January 2026 protests in Isfahan. A scaffold had been erected; families had been summoned. There was a heavy security presence surrounding the area. People rushed there to stop the executions. They were met with violence, including lethal force. Yet people stayed refusing to give up on the men's lives until the very last moment. Gathering to plead for a life is not a crime, least of all against a public execution, which is incompatible with international human rights law. In the end, two of the three men were executed that night in public before the eyes of their families, and of the people who had spent the night hoping to save them. They were made to witness every moment. Public execution turns death into a spectacle and exposes an entire society to the violence of the State. Alireza Sepahi was not executed that night, but he was far from safe. He was executed today, 5 October. He was arrested at his home on 10 January 2026, and was one of 12 defendants sentenced to death in the case concerning the deaths of four security personnel at Alikhani Square, which the defendants were accused of causing. The case has been accompanied by serious allegations concerning the treatment of the defendants and the fairness of the proceedings. Reports say that Sepahi’s mother was tortured in his presence, and that he and his cousin were beaten and tortured in front of members of their family. Sepahi was sentenced to death by the Isfahan Revolutionary Court and was scheduled to be publicly hanged that night, alongside the other two men. But shortly before the scheduled execution, he suffered a heart attack and was transferred to hospital. He was discharged a few days later and returned to prison, where he lived every day in fear of execution, until the moment arrived. On 2 September, his appeal was accepted and his case was referred for retrial. However, the Isfahan Revolutionary Court reportedly dismissed the application without holding a hearing. The sentence was carried our early hours of 5 October, while his lawyer and legal counsel were still trying to find a way for his retrial. Public executions constitute cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. No one should face this punishment, and no society should be made to watch. My mandate’s communication about Alireza Sepahi would be published here soon. spcommreports.ohchr.org/Tmse…
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Eleos Justice retweeted
Ahead of the World Day Against the Death Penalty, my mandate issued a press release on the use of the death penalty in Iran, joined by other UN experts. ohchr.org/en/press-releases/… Iran: UN experts urge immediate halt to executions as country drives global surge GENEVA (9 October 2026) – UN experts* today called on Iranian authorities to immediately halt all executions, warning that Iran is among a shrinking group of States that still execute, and by far the most prolific per head of population. “Iran has seen too much death: lives lost to war and lives taken by their own State,” the experts said. In January 2026, security forces killed thousands of protesters – conduct the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission found amounted to crimes against humanity. “What happened cannot be undone, but what happens to those now facing execution lies entirely within the authorities’ control.” No one arrested over the protests should be executed, regardless of the accusations brought against them. “The cases brought to our attention are so riddled with procedural unfairness and underlying gross human rights violations, including torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, coerced confessions and denial of access to lawyers of their choosing, especially at the investigation stage, that this alone should rule out execution,” the experts said. “Iran’s death penalty is used to silence dissent, with broadly defined national security offences recasting peaceful activity as a threat. That must change,” they said. “Iran’s own history shows that grievances left unaddressed resurface, however brutally they are repressed. Executions do not end dissent, but breed the next wave of it.” While attention focuses on security cases, most executions in Iran are for homicide, under qisas (retribution-in-kind), and for drug-related offences. Such executions are an easy substitute for the harder work of confronting the main drivers of homicides and the drug trade, including poverty, discrimination and gender-based violence. Those executed for drug offences appear to be overwhelmingly low-level couriers driven by hardship, many from marginalised ethnic minorities, and not those at the top of the trade. Qisas removes responsibility from judges, and places life and death in the hands of victims’ families, where the ability to pay diya (blood money) can decide who lives. This is also deeply gendered: women unable to afford diya are executed for killing abusive husbands, often after child marriage and years of violence in a country where women have neither legal protection from domestic violence, nor the means to escape it. The experts noted that consensual same-sex acts and religious offences, such as apostasy, remain punishable by death. “Regardless of the number of executions carried out for these offences, as long as these laws exist, people cannot hold, change or leave a religion or belief, or live openly according to their sexual orientation. They cannot express who they are without fear.” The experts urged authorities to establish an immediate moratorium on executions as a first step towards abolition, to commute all death sentences and to review every case against fair trial standards. “A moratorium would send a powerful message to the people of Iran: that the State’s use of lethal force can end, and that the country can move away from a system that has produced far too many arbitrary executions,” the experts said. *The experts: Mai Sato, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran Graeme Reid, the Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity Morris Tidball-Binz, the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions Nazila Ghanea, the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief Margaret Satterthwaite , the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Leopoldo Maldonado Gutiérrez, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression Gina Romero, the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association Andrea Bolaños Vargas, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders Richard Bennett, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan Matthew Gillett (Chair-Rapporteur), Ms. Ganna Yudkivska (Vice-Chair for Communications), Mr. Ethan Hee-Seok Shin (Vice-Chair for Follow-Up), Ms. Miriam Estrada Castillo and Mr. Mumba Malila, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention Claudia Flores (Chair), Ivana Krstić (Vice-Chair), Dorothy Estrada-Tanck, Haina Lu, and Laura Nyirinkindi, the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls Grażyna Baranowska (Chair-Rapporteur), Ana Lorena Delgadillo Pérez (Vice-Chair), Aua Baldé, Gabriella Citroni and Mohamed Al Obaidi, the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances Pau Pérez-Sales, the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
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Eleos Justice retweeted
Four years after the death in custody of Jina Mahsa Amini, the grievances behind the Woman, Life, Freedom movement remain unaddressed. The January protests added another layer of loss to those already accumulated. Each cycle of protest has been met with repression rather than answers, so the grievances remain. Iran has a long history of protest, and the State’s response follows a familiar pattern: lethal force, arbitrary detention, executions, protesters labelled as spies and terrorists, and pressure on their families. What has changed is its severity. Meanwhile, the space to protest has all but closed. Constitutional limits, permit requirements, broadly drafted security offences and the 2025 Espionage Law mean almost any form of protest may be treated as unlawful. Mahboubeh Shabani, from Mashhad, used her motorcycle to take people injured in the January protests to safety and medical care. She has been sentenced to death under the Espionage Law for ‘operational action to strengthen Israel, the United States and agents affiliated with Reza Pahlavi.’ In an audio message recorded from prison, she voiced concern for other prisoners facing execution and described the psychological toll of living with that threat. Two days later, she was moved to solitary confinement, a transfer that often comes before an execution. She has not had the chance to appeal. Ali Zarei suffered a serious eye injury from shotgun pellets allegedly fired by security forces in the 2022 Woman Life Freedom movement. Arrested after returning to Iran in April 2026, he has been sentenced to death for ‘corruption on earth’ over ‘widespread political activities.’ On 21 September, he too was moved to solitary confinement. I have referred to others facing the death penalty in connection with protests: Mohsen Eslamkhah, Rauf Sheikh-Maroufi, Mohammad Faraji, Shervin Bagherian Jebeli, Taraneh Rahimi and Benyamin Naghdi. Alireza Sepahi was executed on 5 October. (Please note that I can only name cases where I have obtained consent.) Helping the injured, calling for change, taking to the streets: in Iran today, each can lead to a death sentence. Yet, more than four decades of history show that repression has not stopped people from taking to the streets. It has only deepened the grievances that bring them there. I urge the authorities to halt all executions and quash all death sentences linked to the protests, and to recognise peaceful dissent not as a threat, but as part of a healthy society. My mandate’s communication on Mahboubeh Shabani and Ali Zarei will be published here soon: spcommreports.ohchr.org/Tmse… My mandate’s communication on Mohsen Eslamkhah, Rauf Sheikh-Maroufi and Mohammad Faraji spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Response by the Iranian authorities spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… My mandate’s communication on Shervin Bagherian Jebeli spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Response by the government received but not yet published. It will become available here: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TmSe… My mandate’s communication on Taraneh and Romina Rahimi Not yet published but it will become available here: spcommreports.ohchr.org/tmse… My mandate’s communication on Benyamin Naghdi Will become available on 20 October here, and the response is yet to be published: spcommreports.ohchr.org/Tmse…
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Eleos Justice retweeted
For 2026 World Day Against Death Penalty, @amnesty's new briefing highlights growing number of #ASEAN states taking positive steps to reduce scope and use of #deathpenalty, creating new momentum towards abolition amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2… #nodeathpenalty
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🔴 BREAKING | Najmeh Amini, 23, Sentenced to Death Over Social Media Post Iran Human Rights (IHRNGO); 9 October 2026: Najmeh Amini, a 23-year-old woman held in Mashhad’s Vakilabad Prison, has been sentenced to death for “insulting the prophet” (blasphemy) by Branch 6 of Khorasan Razavi Criminal Court One. The sentence remains subject to appeal and has not been upheld by the Supreme Court. The trial court rejected defence arguments citing a slip of the tongue and an intoxication-induced lack of intent. IHRNGO Director Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam said: “Sentencing a 23-year-old woman to death for what she expressed on social media is an extremely alarming development.” He warned: “Without a strong international response now, we risk seeing a broader use and implementation of death sentences for expression.” Iran Human Rights calls for an urgent international response to demand that Najmeh Amini’s death sentence be overturned and an immediate moratorium on all executions. Report link: iranhr.net/en/articles/9095/ #StopExecutionsInIran #NajmehAmini
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📖 On #WorldDayAgainstTheDeathPenalty, we are looking forward. Abolition comes through parliaments, courts and political leadership working together. Dr @leavides01’s new blog asks what has worked, and what it teaches us about the road ahead: monash.edu/law/research/eleo… @cpjp_org_au
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Eleos Justice retweeted
برای کردها، بلوچ‌ها، عرب‌های اهوازی، ترک‌های آذربایجانی و ترکمن‌ها، تبعیض از محدودیت در زمینه حقوق زبانی تا بازنمایی‌های کلیشه‌ای قومی در رسانه‌های دولتی را دربر می‌گیرد. به‌حاشیه‌رانی اقتصادی، مصادره زمین‌ها و تخریب محیط زیست نیز فقر را در بسیاری از مناطق اقلیت‌نشین تشدید کرده است. بسیاری از بلوچ‌ها از داشتن شناسنامه محروم‌اند و این امر دسترسی آنان را به آموزش، خدمات درمانی و اشتغال رسمی محدود می‌کند. کولبران کرد و سوخت‌بران بلوچ اغلب برای تأمین معیشت خود به حمل‌ونقل برون‌مرزی کالا و سوخت وابسته‌اند. سوءمدیریت زیست‌محیطی موجب آوارگی جوامع مختلف در مناطق اقلیت‌نشین، از جمله مناطق کردنشین، عرب‌نشین، بلوچ‌نشین، ترکمن‌نشین و گیلک‌نشین شده است. در همین حال، ترک‌های آذربایجانی همچنان با پیامدهای تخریب محیط زیست در اطراف دریاچه ارومیه مواجه‌اند. اقلیت‌های دینی نیز با اشکال مشابهی از طرد و محرومیت روبه‌رو هستند. بهاییان عملاً از تحصیلات عالی و اشتغال در بخش دولتی محروم‌اند و همانند نوکیشان مسیحی، مدت‌هاست که به‌عنوان تهدیدی امنیتی معرفی می‌شوند. مسلمانان اهل سنت و پیروان آیین یارسان نیز همچنان از تصدی مناصب دولتی محروم هستند. درک این زمینه گسترده‌تر برای بررسی پرونده‌های مجازات اعدام مرتبط با اقلیت‌ها ضروری است. تبعیض پشت درهای نظام عدالت کیفری پایان نمی‌یابد، بلکه می‌تواند بر روند بازداشت، نگهداری در بازداشت، محاکمه و صدور حکم، از جمله در پرونده‌های منتهی به مجازات اعدام، تأثیر بگذارد. اعضای اقلیت‌های قومی که با اتهامات مستوجب اعدام مواجه می‌شوند، اغلب با موانع مضاعفی در برخورداری از محاکمه عادلانه روبه‌رو هستند. این موانع شامل دسترسی ناکافی به خدمات ترجمه شفاهی در جریان بازجویی‌ها و جلسات دادگاه، ادعاهای مربوط به شکنجه و دیگر اشکال بدرفتاری با هدف اخذ اعتراف، و پیگرد قضایی بر اساس اتهامات مرتبط با امنیت ملی است که غالباً با شواهد معتبر پشتیبانی نمی‌شوند. پرونده فرهاد باران‌زهی جوانی بلوچ که بنا بر گزارش‌ها بدون حضور وکیل به اتهام «بغی» به اعدام محکوم شده است، نگرانی‌هایی جدی درباره ادعاهای شکنجه و دیگر موارد نقض شدید حق برخورداری از محاکمه عادلانه ایجاد می‌کند. بنا بر گزارش‌ها، حاتم اوزدمیر، تبعه ترکیه و کرد، در مراحل حساس دادرسی که به صدور حکم اعدام او به اتهام «بغی» انجامید، از دسترسی به مترجم محروم بوده است. یوسف احمدی، مردی کرد از بانه، مدعی شده است که پس از بازداشت تحت شکنجه‌های بسیار خشونت‌آمیز قرار گرفته و از دریافت خدمات درمانی محروم شده است. نگرانی‌های مشابهی نیز در پرونده‌های رئوف شیخ‌معروفی، محمد فرجی و محسن اسلام‌خواه، سه مرد کرد که در ارتباط با اعتراضات «زن، زندگی، آزادی» به اعدام محکوم شده‌اند، گزارش شده است. تا زمان نگارش این متن، هیچ‌یک از این احکام اعدام اجرا نشده و افراد نام‌برده همچنان در معرض خطر قریب‌الوقوع اعدام قرار دارند. الگوهای مستند تبعیض قومی و دینی، همراه با ادعاهای مکرر درباره شکنجه، اعترافات اجباری و نقض حق برخورداری از محاکمه عادلانه در پرونده‌های فردی، نگرانی‌های جدی درباره اعمال مجازات اعدام علیه گروه‌های اقلیت در ایران ایجاد می‌کنند. پرونده‌های منتهی به مجازات اعدام، به‌خودی‌خود و بر اساس حقوق بین‌الملل بشر، مستلزم دقیق‌ترین و سخت‌گیرانه‌ترین بررسی‌ها هستند. این عوامل، دلایل قانع‌کننده‌ای را برای اعمال نظارتی به‌ویژه دقیق و سخت‌گیرانه بر پرونده‌های مجازات اعدام مرتبط با اعضای اقلیت‌های قومی و دینی فراهم می‌کنند. مکاتبه مأموریت من درباره حاتم اوزدمیر : spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… پاسخ مقامات ایرانی: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… مکاتبه مأموریت من درباره فرهاد برانزهی: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… پاسخ مقامات ایرانی:: تاکنون دریافت نشده است. مکاتبه مأموریت من درباره یوسف احمدی، رئوف شیخ‌معروفی، محمد فرجی و محسن اسلام‌خواه: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… پاسخ مقامات ایرانی: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
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Eleos Justice retweeted
Imagine living through a war. Streets, buildings and neighbourhoods are being bombed. You see a place reduced to ruins by a strike and take a photograph — to keep a record, to remember, or to share with others what is happening. In Iran today, that photograph can become part of a case that ends in a death sentence. This is what happened to Hassan Amiri after a photograph of a bombed site found on his phone became part of the basis for a case that led to a death sentence. Hassan and his twin brother Hossein were arrested in March 2026. They were reportedly tortured into confessing that further footage existed on a laptop they did not even own. Tried by Branch 26 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court on charges of “collaboration with Israel”, they were sentenced to death. They remain in Ghezel Hesar Prison. Espionage for Israel was already punishable by death in Iran under a 2020 law, but the 2025 espionage law (Law on Intensification of Punishment for Espionage and Cooperation with the Zionist Regime and Hostile States Against National Security and Interests), rushed through parliament after the twelve-day war in June 2025, goes much further. It attaches the death penalty to vaguely defined ‘operational actions’, ‘intelligence activity’ and even ‘direct or indirect assistance’ deemed to benefit hostile states. It criminalises sending films, images or information to foreign media, and the possession of satellite internet devices such as Starlink. Since the beginning of 2026, at least 11 people have been executed under the espionage law, and others face imminent execution. When criminal provisions are drafted in broad and ambiguous terms, their application becomes especially dangerous in politically charged times. No emergency, no conflict, no security claim can justify putting people to death for taking photographs or sharing information. And allegations of national-security offences do not suspend the requirements of evidence, due process, fair trial and protection from torture. Together with other UN experts, I have urged the Iranian authorities to suspend this law. My mandate’s communication about Hasan and Hosein Amiri case: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… No response has yet been received from the Iranian authorities. My mandate’s communication on the 2025 espionage law spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
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Eleos Justice retweeted
For Kurds, Baluch, Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks and Turkmen, discrimination extends from restrictions on language rights to ethnic stereotyping in State media. Economic marginalization, land confiscation and environmental degradation have further deepened poverty in many minority regions. Many Baluch are denied a shenasnameh (identity booklet), limiting access to education, healthcare and formal employment. Kurdish kolbars and Baluch sukhtbars often rely on cross-border transport of goods and fuel for their livelihoods. Environmental mismanagement has displaced communities across minority regions, including Kurdish, Arab, Baluch, Turkmen and Gilak areas, while Azerbaijani Turks continue to experience the consequences of environmental degradation around Lake Urmia. Religious minorities face similar forms of exclusion. Baha'is are effectively barred from higher education and public employment and, like Christian converts, have long been portrayed as security threats. Sunni Muslims and Yarsan remain excluded from public office. This broader context is essential to understanding death penalty cases involving minorities. Discrimination does not end at the gates of the criminal justice system; it can affect arrest, detention, trial and sentencing, including in capital cases. Ethnic minorities facing capital charges often encounter additional barriers to a fair trial, including inadequate interpretation during interrogations and court proceedings, allegations of torture and other ill-treatment aimed at extracting confessions, and prosecutions on national security charges often unsupported by credible evidence. The case of Farhad Baranzehi, a young Baluch man, reportedly sentenced to death for baghy without a lawyer present, raises concerns regarding allegations of torture and other serious fair trial violations. Hatem Özdemir, a Turkish national of Kurdish ethnicity, was reportedly denied interpretation during critical stages of proceedings that resulted in a death sentence for baghy. Yousef Ahmadi, a Kurdish man from Baneh, has alleged extremely violent torture and denial of medical care following his arrest. Similar concerns have been reported in the cases of Rauf Sheikh-Maroufi, Mohammad Faraji and Mohsen Eslamkhah, three Kurdish men sentenced to death in connection with the Woman, Life, Freedom protests. At the time of writing, none of these death sentences has been carried out, and the individuals concerned remain at imminent risk of executions. Documented patterns of ethnic and religious discrimination, combined with recurring allegations of torture, coerced confessions and fair trial violations in individual cases, raise serious concerns about the application of the death penalty to minority groups in Iran. Capital cases already warrant the most exacting scrutiny under international human rights law. These factors demand compelling grounds for particularly rigorous scrutiny of capital cases involving members of ethnic and religious minorities. My Mandate’s communication on Hatem Özdemir spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… My Mandate’s communication on Farhad Baranzehi spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Government’s response: not yet received My Mandate’s communication on Yousef Ahmadi, Raouf Sheikh-Maroufi, Mohammad Faraji and Mohsen Eslamkhah spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe… Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
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Eleos Justice retweeted
It has been two years since I took up my mandate as Special Rapporteur on Iran. From the start, I have followed the use of the death penalty in Iran closely, and the need for a moratorium pending abolition has never been greater than it is now. From tomorrow until 10 October, World Day Against the Death Penalty, I will post daily on death penalty cases my mandate has raised with the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These cases mainly concern people are at risk of execution, often following proceedings that fall far short of international fair-trial standards. They include people arrested in connection with protests, people convicted of drug-related offences, and people sentenced to qisas (retribution in kind).
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