Vulnerable children are suffering horrendous abuse at the hands of ruthless and organised paedophiles archive.is/2026.10.27-221710…

So an independent government review into the murder of Henry Nowak will take place. We'll be watching closely. The police should be charged and the family of Digwa deported for starters.

SOMETHING NEW IS COMING On 31 October 2026, something new begins. Not another political party. Not another election manifesto. Not another organisation asking people to place their faith in politicians and wait four or five years for the next opportunity to vote. BEO is a movement. A movement built around a simple proposition: Ireland needs a serious, coherent, long-term vision for the country we want to become, and that vision must ultimately belong to the people of Ireland. For months, a group of people with expertise across an extraordinary range of disciplines has been working quietly on what comes next. On 31 October, we will begin to show you what we have been building. We will publish the first 10 of BEO's 100 Principles. Over the following week, we will publish the remaining 90, in groups of 10. These 100 Principles will form the backbone of the movement. They are not designed as another collection of slogans, promises, or carefully worded political soundbites. They are intended to establish a framework for thinking about the future of Ireland, across every major dimension of national life. And this is only the beginning. BEO is being built around a 20-member Core Committee, with each member selected for expertise in a specific field. Constitutional affairs, economics, agriculture, energy, enterprise, infrastructure, housing, health, education, technology, national security, justice, foreign affairs, immigration, the environment, communications, law, civil society, finance, and governance. • Twenty areas of expertise. • One movement. • One country. • The objective is not to tell people what they must think. • It is to give people something serious to think about. Ireland is full of capable people. Farmers, contractors, entrepreneurs, engineers, teachers, healthcare professionals, tradespeople, researchers, workers, parents, community leaders, and people who have simply had enough of being told that nothing can change. Across the country, people are already organising around individual issues. BEO believes there is an opportunity to bring a greater degree of coherence, expertise, and long-term thinking to that enormous reservoir of civic energy. Not by replacing existing movements. Not by claiming ownership of them. And not by telling people what causes they should support. But by building something capable of standing alongside them. Ireland does not lack people who care. What has been missing is a sufficiently ambitious framework through which that energy can become something larger than a collection of disconnected battles. That is what we are building. BEO has already received $2.5 million in funding pledges, and during the first quarter of 2027 we will take the next stage of our development to the United States with a dedicated funding tour. We are not announcing this because we believe money creates movements. That is incorrect. -> People create movements <- -> Ideas create movements <- -> Courage creates movements <- 🇮🇪 Ultimately, a belief that the future can be different creates movements 🇮🇪 The funding gives us the resources to build the infrastructure. The 100 Principles will provide the foundation. The 20 members of the Core Committee will provide the expertise. But the future of BEO will depend upon something much larger than any committee, any founder, or any source of funding. It will depend upon whether ordinary Irish people decide that they are no longer prepared to leave the direction of their country entirely to somebody else. That decision belongs to them. 31 October 2026. 100 Principles. 20 specialists. One movement. This is only the beginning. BEO, For Ireland. For the Future.

A Young Teen Girl Collapses Inside Easons, Blanchardstown Centre - One of Ireland’s Largest Shopping Centres - Convulsing and Foaming at the Mouth. Connolly Hospital, with One of Dublin’s Major Emergency Departments and Ambulance Fleets, Is Minutes Away. 999 Was Called Immediately. No Emergency Response Yet. No Visible First Aid Administered. Now 105 Minutes and Counting. This evening, at approximately 6.10pm, a young Irish girl collapsed in what staff described to me as a serious medical emergency on the upper floor of Eason’s two-level unit in Blanchardstown Centre. A 999 call was made. 98 minutes later, there was still no visible emergency medical response at the scene. Let that sink in. A child collapsed on the floor of a major shopping centre in Dublin 15. She was unconscious. Her parents were sitting beside her on the floor. Staff had closed the upper level of the store where the incident occurred. And people still tried to get in. Not to buy medicine. Not to get food. Not to deal with an emergency of their own. The upper level of this store sells stationery, envelopes, picture frames and similar retail items. The ground-floor bookshop remained open. This was not a question of essentials. This was not necessity. This was consumer selfishness stripped naked. The girl was only feet from the entrance. She was plainly visible. Yet people argued with staff that they should still be allowed in, as though a collapsed child on the floor was merely an obstruction between them and stationery. According to the manager, people did not ask how the girl was. They did not ask whether she was alive, conscious, breathing, safe, or being helped. They wanted what they had come to buy. That is not merely disappointing. It is obscene. I am deliberately not showing the girl, her face, her parents, or any identifying image of her in the attached video. This post is not about exploiting a child’s distress. It is about recording the disgrace of what happened around her. Connolly Hospital is only minutes away from this location. It is a large hospital with a major Emergency Department. In a normal vehicle, it is close. With blue lights, in an emergency, it should feel almost next door. And yet, 98 minutes after the emergency call, no visible emergency medical response had arrived. I do not know where exactly the failure occurred. I do not know whether the issue lies with dispatch, capacity, triage, staffing, ambulance availability, or some other breakdown in the system. But I know what I saw. A 13-year-old girl collapsed on a shop floor. Her parents sat beside her. Staff tried to protect the scene. Members of the public argued to get past her. And nearly an hour and forty minutes after a 999 call, the emergency response still had not visibly arrived. This is Ireland in 2026. A child can collapse in one of Dublin’s largest shopping centres, minutes from a major hospital, and the system can leave her on the floor long enough for strangers to become irritated that they cannot buy envelopes. It is now approaching two hours and still no emergency medical response. This is not normal. This is not acceptable. And someone needs to answer for it.

This was little Skye when I found her. She was a tiny puppy screaming in pain on a building site. The end was near. Locals had tried to treat her pain with baby cough syrup in a syringe. We got her just in time and you should see her today.. (1/6) 🧵

When there was a very rigid recruitment ban in the HSE that finished recently they were still taking in hundreds of Indian and African nurses every few months into Ireland. When I asked why I was told that they had to honour contracts.

“We expect everyone involved in teaching to maintain appropriate professional standards and to treat students with respect.” That was Oxford University's response when [Un]Captured asked about a male tutor wearing giant prosthetic breasts to work. Biochemistry lecturer Matt Rattley has kicked off the autumn term with new photos wearing his infamous ‘norks’ - including one in a lecture theatre with students. The university declined to discuss individual personnel matters. Full story at [Un]Captured 👇

#Ireland #Transparency #Accountability #PublicMoney The €4 Billion Transparency Hole on the Charities Regulator Website. 👇 It’s almost the end of 2026. As a citizen researching publicly funded charities in Ireland, I still cannot download the largest state-reliant non-profit in the State, Corlann’s, 2023 or 2024 audited accounts directly from the Charities Register or from its own website. The newest document available is for 2022. Corlann, formerly Brothers of Charity Services Ireland, directs the public to the Charities Register to inspect its financial statements. In 2024 alone, its register entry records €366 million in public income, representing a 99.9% reliance on the State. Across the two reporting years, 2023 and 2024, Corlann reported €702.8 million in public income, without either year’s audited financial report available to download from the state portal. The financial returns were submitted. The figures appear in the Charities Regulator’s dataset. What citizens cannot download are the detailed financial reports behind those figures. The Regulator’s downloadable CSV contains high-level numbers, but it does not identify which departments, agencies or specific state grant schemes provided that money. The audited accounts can provide the funding breakdowns and explanatory notes that those headline figures cannot. I am not even counting 2025. Allowing for administrative lag, I am giving them the benefit of the doubt on that year. This review is strictly confined to reporting years from 2020 to 2024. And this is not an isolated incident. I conducted a systematic review of the top 152 non-profit delivery organisations in my health, social care and housing dataset. Together, they account for over 80% of the public income recorded in that group: €3.81 billion in 2024. 44 of those 152 organisations, or 28.9%, have gaps in downloadable audited accounts on the Charities Register. In 2024 alone, those organisations recorded €1.30 billion in public income. Across all the reporting years affected by those document gaps, their cumulative public income reaches €3.35 billion. The gaps deepen the further you look: St Michael’s House, a disability provider with €126 million in public income in 2024, also has no downloadable accounts for 2023 or 2024 on the register. Those two years cover €248 million in cumulative public income. Clúid Housing Association, with €121 million in public income in 2024, and Respond Housing, with €70 million, are two of the largest Approved Housing Bodies in the State. The latest audited accounts I could download from the Charities Register were for 2019. That is a five-year gap covering €649 million in cumulative public income, without the corresponding accounts available there to inspect the detail. Across my research population of 3,428 organisations, 1,108 charities, or 32.3%, have no downloadable financial report for 2024 on the state portal. Across 2020–2024, the total is 4,850 unavailable reports, associated with €4.14 billion in cumulative public income. This is not a claim that money has gone missing. It is a demonstrable, systemic breakdown in accessible public scrutiny. The State’s alternative is the Companies Registration Office, which charges €2.50 per document. At that rate, obtaining the 1,108 missing reports for 2024 would cost a citizen €2,770. Include the earlier years and the equivalent bill reaches €12,125, assuming all 4,850 documents are available through CRO as separate purchases. Why should taxpayers pay twice: first to fund the services, and then to scrutinise how public billions are distributed? The financial returns appear in the Regulator’s dataset. Why are the corresponding audited financial reports not available to download? Where is the breakdown in publication, and who is accountable for fixing it? In 2026, the detailed accounts of organisations receiving public billions should be free, complete and downloadable in a single click.

At 4:53am, one of the vulnerable homeless people we have been assisting contacted me in fear. She stated that a man had returned to her tent, was outside, was threatening to burn it, and was demanding a phone and money. The messages are attached. I later located the man camped in a camouflaged hedge on the grounds of a school attended by young children. I understand him to be subject to sex offender registration requirements. I reported the situation to Gardaí and provided the relevant information. What followed raises extremely serious questions. I was not given a PULSE number. I was not given a reference number. I was not given clear confirmation of what immediate action would be taken. A full evidential file is now being prepared. It will include the timeline, screenshots, locations, call history, witness information, Garda interactions, and all supporting material. That file will be sent to Fiosrú / the Office of the Police Ombudsman, the Minister for Justice, the Taoiseach, and every member of the 34th Dáil. A safeguarding-appropriate version will also be provided to the school community and relevant parents. An inquiry will be demanded. Legal advice will also be taken in relation to potential civil proceedings and formal criminal complaints concerning alleged extreme negligence, failure of duty of care, failure to act on urgent safeguarding information, and any breach of professional or statutory obligations by relevant parties. This will be documented, evidenced, and above reproach.

SIDS: Mothers getting Covid shots and the increasing vaccine schedule for babies. What could go wrong? You better believe I am a hesitant sceptic (heck I'm full on anti point!) --- I see data.

I didn't see the documentary, but I have listened to the spokesperson on your video. The question is: why is Garda morale low? Is it pay? Time off? Working conditions? A combination of these, or something else? I may be prejudging the situation, but appeals for sympathy over Garda morale are difficult to hear without also remembering what Irish people have witnessed over the last number of years. We have seen Irish men, women and children pepper-sprayed, baton charged, and generally very badly mistreated at scale and repeatedly during public-order operations. We have seen baton charges against people exercising their right to assembly. We have seen what appears, to many, to be a stark disparity in how different demonstrations and political viewpoints are policed. We have seen members of An Garda Síochána trample our own National Flag into the ground, or grab it from people and discard it as if it were litter. During marches through Dublin city centre, other flags, those of other nations, have been treated with respect rather than the mockery shown by some Gardaí towards the Tricolour. Flags associated with foreign illegal terrorist and paramilitary organisations have been displayed, and inflammatory calls made, without anything resembling the level of intervention seen elsewhere. In fact, I cannot recall once seeing those flags, many of them illegal, treated in a disrespectful manner by a member of AGS. So what exactly is being sought now? More money? Better conditions? If so, those demands cannot be considered in isolation from Garda conduct, accountability, proportionality, use of force, public trust, and the consistent application of the law. I have very little sympathy for an argument that Garda morale can simply be repaired with more money before those issues are addressed. There must first be serious scrutiny of conduct, fitness, trustworthiness, accountability, proportionality, excessive force, institutional bias, and whether different groups are, in practice, being policed to different standards. That is not a criticism of every individual Garda. It is a criticism of patterns of policing witnessed repeatedly in Ireland over recent years, involving enough Gardaí and enough "external partners", brought to Irish soil to bolster their force, and resulting in more than enough widespread incidents at scale that they cannot reasonably be dismissed as the exception rather than the rule.

BREAKING: Switzerland suspends funding to Doctors Without Borders after it failed to report that its staff exploited refugee women and girls for sex—in exchange for aid, jobs and money. Previously, 🇨🇭 called MSF “a source of best practice and inspiration.” swissinfo.ch/eng/internation…