As I have argued in the three articles I published in recent days on the crisis that unfolded in Ceuta last week, there is no rational basis for the claim that Morocco intends either to strong-arm Spain or to revive its long-standing territorial claims over Ceuta and Melilla. From Morocco's perspective- and this has been the case since the 1960s- its overriding priority has always been the settlement of the Sahara dispute and ensuring that Spain no longer adopts positions that run counter to Morocco's claims over the territory. Ever since the dawn of Morocco's independence, Rabat has never attached the same strategic importance to Ceuta and Melilla as it has to the Sahara. Although Moroccan authorities have periodically raised the question of the two enclaves in their dealings with successive Spanish governments, they have generally done so as a means of encouraging Madrid to align more closely with Morocco's position on the Sahara rather than because recovering Ceuta and Melilla was an immediate strategic objective in its own right. Nevertheless, in the wake of the events in Ceuta, a number of Spanish analysts and commentators have once again come forward to defend Spain's sovereignty over the two enclaves, often assuming that Morocco intends to use the recent crisis to revive its territorial claims. To dismiss Morocco’s territorial claims, Spanish officials and intellectuals argue that Ceuta and Melilla have always belonged to Spain, and are as Spanish as Madrid and other cities on the country’s mainland. They go as far as claiming that the two enclaves belonged to Spain before Morocco established itself as an independent state. Most importantly, the Spanish argument goes, Ceuta and Melilla are not on the UN’s list of non-self-governing territories. Spaniards’ defense of their country’s sovereignty over the enclaves and their sensitivity to Morocco blurs their judgement, pushing them to overlook a number of key historical facts. Ceuta and Melilla were neither as Spanish as Madrid or Granada nor were they always considered as Spanish. For example, in the 17th century, Spain did not consider Ceuta’s inhabitants to be Spaniards. They were allowed to obtain Spanish citizenship only once they abandoned the city and moved to the peninsula. Until the beginning of the 20th century, prisoners and military officers comprised the cities’ populations. Until 1907, they were called “Presidios” (prisons or penitentiary zones). Between 1907 and 1913, they were called “Plazas Fuertes” (strongholds). Between 1913 and 1955 they were called “Plazas de Soberanía (zones of sovereignty). In December 1955, General Franco enacted a law which, for the first time, designated Ceuta and Melilla as zones of full and inalienable Spanish sovereignty. Even administratively, unlike other Spanish cities, Ceuta and Melilla were ruled until 1983 by military officials. Moreover, during Spain’s protectorate in northern and southern Morocco, Ceuta and Melilla depended administratively on Spain’s High Directorate in Morocco. According to a 1935 decree, Spaniards needed a passport to visit them. The iniquity of the treaties that Spain imposed on Morocco to assert its control over the two enclaves is another factor that weakens the argument that they have always been Spanish. Máximo Cajal and Alfonso de la Serna, two former Spanish diplomats, said that the treaties Spain uses to assert its sovereignty have no legal or moral value as they were signed under duress and at a time when Morocco was in a weak position. Most importantly, there is glaring parallelism between these two enclaves and Gibraltar, starting with similarity of the geographical situation. The three enclaves are located in the natural territory of a foreign state. Therefore, they constitute a rupture and an obstacle to the continuity and the territorial integrity of the country where they are enclaved. The likeness between the two cases is corroborated by the fact that, in both instances, Spain and the UK repeatedly considered abandoning their respective enclaves or exchanging them. For example, in 1811 the Council of Regents asserted that Ceuta and Melilla were not Spanish and proposed returning them to Morocco. Until the 1920’s, Spain considered exchanging Ceuta with Gibraltar, but its attempt fell through. Finally, the three enclaves have thrived on contraband and depend economically on their hinterland. Morocco’s unilateral decision to close its borders with Ceuta and Melilla and to crack down on contraband has caused an unprecedented economic recession in both enclaves. More still, the main water sources that supply Ceuta and Melilla are located on the Moroccan side of the border. The facts disprove the unfounded claim that these enclaves have always belonged to Spain. Morocco has a series of solid arguments it could use if it were truly adamant about ending Spain’s occupation of Ceuta and Melilla. @Lahcenhaddad @USEmbMorocco @EmbEspanaRabat @MarocDiplomatie