Bits and Pieces from the Balkans and Beyond
Joined February 2022
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Georg von Ehren retweeted
Dobili smo informaciju da se u ministarstvu zdravlja u Nemanjinoj ulici trenutno iznose dokumenti o javnim nabavkama i pripremaju za uništavanje.
Pozivamo zaposlene u javnom sektoru da ne učestvuju u krivičnim delima poput ovog i sve eventualne slične nepravilnosti prijave Studentskoj listi.
Georg von Ehren retweeted
As a TV professional with 40 years experience who made 1st national digital TV in Serbia etc all I can say is:
Informer TV is a Nazi hatemongering outlet in form of a TV station. In your own country it would be banned within 24 hours. Noting to do with journalism or freedoms
Die Schließung des einzigen oppositionellen Fernsehsenders in Serbien, INFORMER TV, wäre ein schrecklicher Präzedenzfall und eine inakzeptable Unterdrückung der Meinungs- und Medienfreiheit.
Ich verurteile den gewaltsamen Übergriff auf die Redaktion dieses Fernsehsenders, die Hetzjagd auf Journalisten und den Angriff auf Chefredakteur Dragan J. Vučićević.
#PATRIOTS
SERBIA | A coup that never happened?
The Times reports that Aleksandar Vučić was on the verge of staging a violent coup after losing Sunday's election, but was talked out of it at the last minute.
I find this account unconvincing.
Not because I would credit Vučić with strong democratic convictions. Quite the opposite. His rule had become increasingly authoritarian over the years.
But Vučić is an experienced political operator. Trying to overturn a clear electoral defeat by force would have carried enormous risks, with potentially devastating consequences for him and for Serbia.
And what I witnessed in Belgrade on election night suggests a different explanation.
Here is my timeline, with videos recorded at the scene.
1/8
The most important point is what did NOT happen.
Vučić did not attempt to annul the result. He conceded defeat remarkably early, on his own initiative.
An attempt to overturn such a clear result by force would have been an entirely different proposition from protecting state institutions amid a disputed election.
Could Vučić really have relied on the police and security services to enforce such an order against tens of thousands of people celebrating an unmistakable electoral victory?
I have serious doubts.
And the political consequences would have been enormous. Serbia would have risked international isolation, a fundamental rupture with the EU and comparisons with Belarus. Vučić himself would have risked losing whatever political future remained available to him.
That does not mean he had suddenly become a committed democrat. It means he had powerful reasons not to cross that line.
The Times quotes people claiming that a violent takeover was planned and that European intervention prevented it.
Perhaps various contingency plans existed. Perhaps there were discussions about using force.
But no convincing evidence has yet emerged that Vučić had actually decided to overturn a clear election defeat by violence — or that foreign leaders stopped him at the last minute.
Preparing for a potentially disputed election is not the same as deciding to stage a coup.
What I witnessed in Belgrade on October 25 fits the former scenario far better than the latter.
So what was the security operation actually intended for?
My assessment is that Vučić, the police leadership and many observers had prepared for an extremely close election.
Had Vučić won narrowly, widespread protests would have been highly likely, given the serious concerns about the fairness of the electoral process.
The authorities could then have justified deploying police to protect the Electoral Commission, government buildings and other state institutions — at least formally, even if the election result itself remained disputed.
That would not, of course, have justified violence against peaceful protesters.
But it would have provided a very different political and institutional context for a police operation.
And that is precisely the kind of deployment I observed: officers in riot gear holding positions behind barriers around key institutions.
Then the election produced a result that left little room for dispute over who had won.
The original scenario, whatever it had been, no longer applied.
7/8
22:04 | Terazije, Kralja Milana Street.
A huge crowd moves from Terazije towards the still-restricted Kralja Milana Street.
A police vehicle withdraws. The front of the crowd advances into the street, where they are met by thousands of celebrating Student List supporters coming from the opposite direction, from London.
The two crowds merge. People cheer. The street fills with demonstrators celebrating their victory.
The police have withdrawn from this section. There is no confrontation.
Just over half an hour after Vučić acknowledged his defeat, the security operation that had dominated the city centre is effectively over here.
These are the scenes I recorded that night.
Video recorded at 22:04 - own footage
6/8
21:31 | The turning point.
Aleksandar Vučić publicly concedes defeat.
Just 91 minutes after the polls closed, and before the first major independent projections have been released, he announces that his own party's sample shows a clear Student List victory, with an estimated 135–140 seats in the 250-member parliament.
This matters.
Vučić does not wait for the opposition to declare victory or for protesters to confront the security forces.
He takes the initiative, acknowledges the result and announces that his political camp will continue its struggle from the opposition benches.
The news spreads rapidly through the crowds gathering around London.
Video recorded at 21:33 - own footage
5/8
21:20 | London, at the opposite end of Kralja Milana Street.
Large numbers of Student List supporters have gathered here.
The polling stations closed at 20:00. There are still no comprehensive public projections of the election result.
Many expect a very close contest. And given the numerous allegations and documented irregularities before and during the election, a narrow Vučić victory could easily have triggered mass protests and a prolonged dispute over the legitimacy of the result.
For the time being, the police remain behind their barriers.
Video recorded at 21:20 - own footage
4/8
21:01 | Pionirski Park, Ćacilend.
Police officers are positioned behind the barriers. Further inside the park, groups of men in civilian clothes can be seen in the darkness. Mostly shadows, difficult to identify. Serbian media are reporting similar observations.
Still, the visible numbers are limited. My rough estimate is perhaps 200–300 police officers and civilians across the restricted area I can observe, not thousands.
The officers appear focused and tense, wearing standard riot gear.
But I see no obvious preparations for an offensive operation against tens of thousands of demonstrators.
What I see looks primarily like a force positioned to secure a restricted area and protect government institutions.
That is an observation, not proof of what the authorities had planned.
Video recorded at 21:01 - own footage
3/08
20:10 | Terazije, central Belgrade.
Kralja Milana Street has been closed to traffic.
Behind the barriers, police officers in riot gear are deployed near the building of Serbia's Republic Electoral Commission (RIK), which is responsible for establishing the official election results.
The restricted area also includes Pionirski Park, home to the so-called Ćacilend — a camp of pro-Vučić supporters established in March 2025 as a counterweight to the student protest movement.
The camp had repeatedly been associated with intimidation and aggressive behaviour, but in recent months it had become rather sparsely occupied.
Tonight, however, the situation is different.
Video recorded at - own footage
2/8
SERBIA | What comes after the election victory?
Two days after the Student List defeated Aleksandar Vučić, its lead candidate Ilija Srdanović has outlined some of the movement’s positions on EU integration, Russia, Kosovo and the formation of a new government.
His interview with Radio Free Europe offers an early indication of how the election winners intend to move from protest to government.
1/6
A FIRST TAKEAWAY | The interview provides some initial answers, but leaves substantial questions unresolved.
The carefully calibrated language on foreign policy suggests that diplomatic advisers may already have had a hand in shaping the responses.
Equally significant is Srdanović’s statement that the Student List’s future MPs, rather than university plenums, will decide on government candidates. This suggests a shift towards parliamentary decision-making, although the future role of the plenums remains unclear.
Still, the transition from a broad protest movement to a parliamentary government is only just beginning.
FROM PLENUMS TO PARLIAMENT | One of the more significant statements concerned the formation of the next government.
Srdanović said decisions on the prime minister and cabinet members would be made by the Student List’s parliamentary majority, rather than referring those decisions back to university plenums.
The plenums have been central to the movement’s organisation and decision-making.
His statement suggests a shift towards parliamentary responsibility as the movement prepares to govern. How much influence the plenums will retain remains unclear.
4/6
OTHER QUESTIONS | Srdanović rejected political reprisals and said the Student List had neither encouraged nor supported the intrusion into the offices of the pro-government broadcaster Informer.
On Bosnia and Herzegovina, he called for continued cooperation with Republika Srpska. Asked about Srebrenica, he referred to court rulings and Serbia’s 2010 parliamentary declaration, but declined to elaborate on the ICJ’s genocide ruling.
5/6
FOREIGN POLICY | On Russia, Srdanović avoided a firm commitment to maintaining Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions, although the Student List’s programme explicitly opposes them.
Instead, he called for an open public debate on the country’s foreign policy direction. No policy change was announced.
On Kosovo, he confirmed that dialogue with Pristina would continue, but added an important qualification: agreements concluded by previous Serbian governments could be reviewed for compliance with Serbia’s constitution.
That leaves open the question of how existing international commitments will be implemented.
3/6
EU INTEGRATION | Srdanović confirmed that Serbia would continue its EU accession process, which has made little progress in recent years.
He blamed the outgoing government for declining public support for EU membership and pledged to align Serbia’s domestic policies with Chapters 23 and 24 of the accession negotiations.
These cover the judiciary, fundamental rights, justice, freedom and security — including the rule of law, anti-corruption measures and the functioning of democratic institutions.
Srdanović also argued that many Serbians had received insufficient or misleading information about the EU and what membership would mean for them.
2/6
An excellent analysis by strategic communications expert Nikola Spasov of Vučić’s media strategy and the role of Informer and similar outlets. Propaganda that once helped sustain his power had increasingly become counterproductive, provoking disgust rather than persuasion.
Piše ekspert za strateške komunikacije Nikola Spasov. Prevod sa makedonskog
“Gledam upad u Informer, pa mi pade na pamet nešto o čemu sam razmišljao odavno. A to je da će Vučić izgubiti od sopstvene propagande.
Narodu Srbije je svakako bilo preko glave kriminala, korupcije, neodgovornosti i svih posledica 14 godina vlasti. Ali jedna od najvećih pokretačkih snaga mobilizacije bila je stalna izloženost Vučićevoj propagandi i njegovim medijskim poltronima koji su trovali narod danju i noću.
Ne govorim samo o klasičnoj političkoj propagandi, laganju, manipulaciji informacijama ili veličanju vođe. Toga ima u mnogim zemljama i nije ništa neviđeno. Njegova propaganda je bila jedinstvena jer je dovela do potpune estradizacije politike preko starleta, kojekakvih plaćenika, stalnog uništavanja civilizovanog dijaloga u društvu i opevanja proseka i primitivizma.
Godinama se u srpskim medijima stvarala paralelna realnost. Nacionalne televizije, tabloidi i političke emisije namenski su pretvoreni u rijaliti programe. Vučić nije koristio propagandu samo da bi kontrolisao politiku, već da bi promenio standarde čitavog društva. Za propagandu u Srbiji slobodno se može reći da se graničila sa psihološkom torturom.
Ljudi mogu dugo da trpe lošu vlast. Mogu da se naviknu na korupciju, nepravdu, partijsko zapošljavanje, pa čak i na političku aroganciju. Ali kada im svakodnevno vređaš inteligenciju, kada im pretvaraš javni prostor u septičku jamu i kada im poručuješ da je primitivizam nova društvena normalnost, počinješ da stvaraš gađenje.
A gađenje je sasvim drugačija politička emocija od nezadovoljstva. Nezadovoljan građanin traži bolju vlast. Zgadjeni građanin želi da nestane ceo sistem koji ga svakodnevno ponižava.
Studentski pokret je uspeo da mobiliše tako širok otpor ne samo zato što je ponudio alternativu Vučiću, već zato što je svojom pristojnošću, dostojanstvom i solidarnošću postao potpuna suprotnost svemu što je njegova propagandna mašinerija godinama promovisala.
Ironija je u tome što je propagandna mašinerija nastavila da radi punom parom čak i kada je već postajalo očigledno da stvara kontraefekat. Na kraju, Vučić je postao žrtva sopstvenog političkog proizvoda.”
Georg von Ehren retweeted
Piše ekspert za strateške komunikacije Nikola Spasov. Prevod sa makedonskog
“Gledam upad u Informer, pa mi pade na pamet nešto o čemu sam razmišljao odavno. A to je da će Vučić izgubiti od sopstvene propagande.
Narodu Srbije je svakako bilo preko glave kriminala, korupcije, neodgovornosti i svih posledica 14 godina vlasti. Ali jedna od najvećih pokretačkih snaga mobilizacije bila je stalna izloženost Vučićevoj propagandi i njegovim medijskim poltronima koji su trovali narod danju i noću.
Ne govorim samo o klasičnoj političkoj propagandi, laganju, manipulaciji informacijama ili veličanju vođe. Toga ima u mnogim zemljama i nije ništa neviđeno. Njegova propaganda je bila jedinstvena jer je dovela do potpune estradizacije politike preko starleta, kojekakvih plaćenika, stalnog uništavanja civilizovanog dijaloga u društvu i opevanja proseka i primitivizma.
Godinama se u srpskim medijima stvarala paralelna realnost. Nacionalne televizije, tabloidi i političke emisije namenski su pretvoreni u rijaliti programe. Vučić nije koristio propagandu samo da bi kontrolisao politiku, već da bi promenio standarde čitavog društva. Za propagandu u Srbiji slobodno se može reći da se graničila sa psihološkom torturom.
Ljudi mogu dugo da trpe lošu vlast. Mogu da se naviknu na korupciju, nepravdu, partijsko zapošljavanje, pa čak i na političku aroganciju. Ali kada im svakodnevno vređaš inteligenciju, kada im pretvaraš javni prostor u septičku jamu i kada im poručuješ da je primitivizam nova društvena normalnost, počinješ da stvaraš gađenje.
A gađenje je sasvim drugačija politička emocija od nezadovoljstva. Nezadovoljan građanin traži bolju vlast. Zgadjeni građanin želi da nestane ceo sistem koji ga svakodnevno ponižava.
Studentski pokret je uspeo da mobiliše tako širok otpor ne samo zato što je ponudio alternativu Vučiću, već zato što je svojom pristojnošću, dostojanstvom i solidarnošću postao potpuna suprotnost svemu što je njegova propagandna mašinerija godinama promovisala.
Ironija je u tome što je propagandna mašinerija nastavila da radi punom parom čak i kada je već postajalo očigledno da stvara kontraefekat. Na kraju, Vučić je postao žrtva sopstvenog političkog proizvoda.”
Georg von Ehren retweeted
Serbiens Autokrat Aleksandar Vučić habe seine Wahlniederlage wie ein Gentleman eingeräumt. Das behaupten seine Claqueure. Wer sich seinen Auftritt am Sonntagabend anhört(e), kommt zu einem anderen Schluss. Ein Thread. (1/7)
Georg von Ehren retweeted
ОТВОРЕНО ПИСМО
РУКОВОДСТВУ РТС-а, САВЕТУ РЕМ-а
И НАРОДНОЈ СКУПШТИНИ
Грађани имају право на истинито, потпуно и непристрасно информисање. Захтевамо одговорност институција и ослобађање јавног сервиса од политичких утицаја.
РТС – Захтевамо неодложне оставке генералног директора, његовог заменика и уредништва информативног програма. Тражимо привремену управу, предложену у договору Студентске листе и репрезентативних синдиката РТС-а, уз именовање у складу са законом.
РЕМ – Захтевамо независно поступање, јавност одлука и објашњење поступања у случају Информера. Тражимо јаван и образложен одговор у року од седам дана од пријема писма.
НАРОДНА СКУПШТИНА – Залагаћемо се за попуњавање упражњених места у Савету РЕМ-а кроз законит и транспарентан поступак, заснован на стручности и независности кандидата.
ЈАВНИ СЕРВИС МОРА ДА СЛУЖИ ГРАЂАНИМА.